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Monday, 9 July 2007
Week 10: Tom Bower - 'Gordon Brown, Prime Minister'
Rush-released to cash in on Gordon Brown’s ‘coronation’ as Prime Minister, Bower’s 2004 biography is appended with new material detailing the ‘coup’ which finally pushed Blair from power. ‘Gordon Brown, Prime Minister’ is something of a misleading title, since it does not offer us any direct prediction of what Brown will offer, and nor, obviously, is there a chance to report any definite policies.
What the book does offer is a dry, detailed account of Brown’s life and work, from his upbringing as a ‘child of the manse’ (Bower frequently refers back to Brown’s religious upbringing, and the stolid nature of his faith), through to his rebellious university days, opposition, and eventually, government. Bower is a skilled biographer, and he blends interviews, news reports, speculation and Whitehall gossip to produce what looks to be a comprehensive overview.
After such a long time in the public eye, there is little to surprise us in any portrayal of Gordon Brown. His tempestuous relationship with Blair, his dictatorial attitude towards fellow ministers, his contempt of the civil service, and his propensity for fits of rage and sulking, have been tirelessly documented in the press. If there is anything to surprise us, it is maybe the detailed account of the chancellor’s many mistakes.
Bower is a pedant, with a find eye for detail, and is thus able to give accounts of the terrible mistakes made by the treasury during Labour’s time in office. Lesser known cases include his selling of significant amounts of Britain’s gold reserve, just before a dramatic spike in prices, costing the country billions. Ironically, ‘Gordon Brown, Prime Minister’ is also one of the few places where you will read (and believe) that the poorest people in Britain have actually seen their income increase by around 5% since 1997.
What lets this book down is the sheer vindictiveness of some of Bower’s writing. This is a criticism which has long been levelled at him, particularly with regard to his latest work, an attack on the hateful Conrad Black. Here, in his desire to portray Brown as the ‘austere workaholic’ of popular belief, even the chancellor’s hobbies are imbued with air of drudgery, for example his ‘endless watching of football matches’. His son John is referred to as ‘Sarah’s second child’, as if Brown is not capable of a happy partnership, or parental joy.
Most of all, I think that Bower fails to connect with the mindset of a young activist. Brown’s youthful idealism, his appearance at meetings (late, with over-flowing bags of paper), his one-track mind, his inability to understand why the whole world does not share his beliefs, are presented as symptoms of a personality disorder. This may or may not be so, but if it is, the asylums of England will soon be overflowing with young people with the rosettes of Labour, Tory, Liberal and every other shade of political hue.
While the book paints a largely unflattering picture of Brown (whilst admittedly hinting at a more gregarious, attractive side, which is hidden from the cameras), its larger significance may have been unintended by the author. ‘Gordon Brown, Prime Minister', acts as an excellent argument against what Chris Dillow would describe as ‘managerialism’.
Dillow posits that the practice of appointing managers to oversee government and business is flawed; having one man in charge of a department leads to the stifling of groupthink, and often prevents bold ideas from being tried. One man, argues Dillow, cannot have the expertise to run a government office. Furthermore, managerialism encourages the identification of personalities with politics, meaning that crucial but unpopular decisions will not be made.
Nothing could support this argument better than Bower’s portrayal of a man with no business experience, who does not look after his own family finances, being entrusted with the job of running Britain’s economy. Decisions are made with the goal of achieving personal political capital; good ideas are blocked because of power battles with the likes of Mandleson and Milburn. Civil servants with years of experience are overlooked, and hostile reports are ignored.
Most people will have formed their opinions of Brown the man already. As a politician, we are told his ‘true’ beliefs will soon be revealed. This book is possibly too late, and certainly too obviously biased, to colour existing opinions too much. However, as an account of the harmful effects of managerial culture and personal politics on Britain’s economy and political life, it is an enlightening and worthwhile read.

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