Dillow characterises the present system of British politics as being driven by what he terms ‘managerialism’, or the theory that one dominant figure can use their own initiative to guide the nation, solving problems and providing solutions. This approach results in an almost situationist approach to governance, as politics is presented as a series of individual crises to be managed, rather than as a coherent, inter-dependent progression.
The managerialist approach has also narrowed the political landscape; rather than engaging in ideological debates over policy, the major parties converge around a broad consensus. The political struggle consists of each party’s attempts to assert itself as the dominant manager, which can impose its solutions with maximum efficiency. Thus, whereas the 1945 Labour government may be defined by the ideals of the welfare state, Blair will be remembered for his responses to events such as September 11, Foot and Mouth, and the fuel protests.
The managerialist philosophy was best expressed by Blair in a speech to Murdoch’s News Corps, at which the Prime Minister exhorted his audience ‘Above all else, lead’. Has managerialism made a positive effect on the lives of the British population though?
For Dillow, there are major problems with the philosophy. Managers identify themselves closely with innovation, meaning that they cannot dispense with failing policies for fear of losing face; in fact, needless innovation is often rushed into practice, as managers seek to justify their salary and position. Hierarchical structures discourage workers from taking initiative, and lead to breakdowns in communication. Dillow points to successful enterprises such as Tesco’s as examples of organisations which have thrived through dispensing with layers of management, while bureaucratic public sector bodies are wasteful.
Much of The End of Politics examines New Labour’s chief declared goal, to twin social equality with economic efficiency. Flagship policies such as working tax credits and the national minimum wage face close scrutiny. Dillow suggests that managerialism has left the party without sufficient expertise to effectively deal with economic policy measures.
According to Dillow’s exhaustive research, Labour’s desire to appear decisive, and cement its ‘legacy’ has led to muddled policy making, which often works against the very people they declare support for. The expansion of government apparatus has encouraged the development of a massively complicated system of benefits, where take-up is low and fraud and error are high. Many measures, such as the minimum wage, penalise as many as they benefit, by making it harder for the unemployed to find work.
Books such as The End of Politics are always likely to be measured against Steven Levitt’s Freakonomics, and Dillow’s book satisfies a similar aim. Where Levitt used non-partisan, sometimes seemingly trivial examples to encourage his readers to approach information from a certain perspective, Dillow uses a theoretical approach to major issues to challenge received wisdom, such as the pursuit of economic growth as an overriding objective, or the justness of utilitarian politics.
In place of managerialism, Dillow proposes a co-operative approach to public services, the rolling-back of corporate hierarchies, and a referendum-based approach to national policy, tempered with adequate compensation for those whose opinions are over-ridden.
Many of his suggestions make sense. Who knows what hospitals need in order to run better than the people who deal with patients every day? When the main requirement of a train service (to help people get to work on time) hasn’t changed in 100 years, why do we need managers creaming off a layer of income, in return for spurious innovation?
For me, the primary cause of disillusionment in the Labour party has been their emphasis of Government OF, rather than FOR, the people. Labour politicians have had little compunction in pushing through unpopular policies in the face of public protest, due to their paternalistic attitude to the electorate. When politicians talk about voter turnout, this is a significant factor. Dillow is right to point out that, despite the emphasis on ‘spin’, Blair’s government has haemorrhaged votes, in contrast to the governments of the 40s and 70s.
While Dillow’s slightly libertarian attitude toward free markets may unsettle some on the left, it presents a realistic and workable proposal for increasing equality and social inclusion in a 21st century nation. Some chapters are hard going for those of us without a background in economics, but the author’s tone is strong enough to keep the reader engaged, and he makes good use of analogies and practical examples to explain theories.
The End of Politics is a fascinating conversation piece, and hopefully the issues raised can become part of the wider political debate. Read Chris Dillow at: http://stumblingandmumbling.typepad.com
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